IS INDONESIA BREAKING UP?

AuthorSmith, Anthony

Anthony Smith reviews the various stresses and strains on the Indonesian republic.

There seems to be much speculation amongst commentators that Indonesia is on the path to breaking up into smaller political units. It is, on the face of it, an unlikely state since it is more diverse than most other states. With more than 13,000 islands, it has a population of 220 million people. It is also the world's largest Muslim nation (with significant Christian, Animist, Hindu, and Buddhist minorities, roughly in that order of prominence). Depending on how this is classified, there are 200-300 ethnic groups in Indonesia (matched by linguistic diversity).

All this makes Indonesia one of the most difficult countries to govern, compounded by its status as a less developed country. However Indonesian nationalism is surprisingly robust, despite its diversity in most quarters of the maritime country. This is because of, firstly, a common struggle against the Dutch colonial authorities and, secondly, a state sponsored collective consciousness, including the adoption of the Malay language (Bahasa Indonesia) as a lingua franca.

There is nothing inevitable about the collapse of Indonesia, but serious regional problems still exist in clearly defined parts of the country. Most serious for the future of its borders are Aceh and Irian Jaya (also known as West Papua). But communal and/or sectarian violence has also been a major issue elsewhere in Indonesia.

The province of Aceh has been the most long standing secessionist problem for the Republic of Indonesia, as it was for the Dutch colonial authorities. Aceh was a very late addition to the Dutch East Indies, putting up the most sustained resistance to Dutch rule in the archipelago. Although the Dutch launched their first attempt to capture Aceh in 1873, it remained effectively an independent Sultanate until 1903, when the Sultan, Muhammah Daud Syah, was finally defeated and killed. However resistance carried on throughout the Dutch annexation. After Japanese rule ended in 1945, Aceh was not reoccupied by Dutch troops, although it participated in the anti-colonial struggle (something often cited by Indonesian officials as helping bind Aceh to the centre).

Homogeneous society

In ethnic and religious terms, Aceh's four million people are a largely homogeneous society, being nearly 100 per cent Muslim, and mostly Acehnese. Islam in Aceh has been traditionally more orthodox. Over the centuries it has been the gateway to Arabia and subject to successive waves of missionary activity. The Darul Islam rebellion of the 1950s that fought for an Islamic state was strong in Aceh, although this movement never sought to achieve independence as such. However, this has given the impression that the more recent rebellion is brought about by the desire for an Islamic state. Suharto's government painted the insurrection as one fuelled by Islamic fundamentalism, which obscured the reality.

The creation of the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) in 1976 was seen by many of its proponents as a successor to the anti-Dutch war (known as the `Aceh War') and Darul Islam, but it took its own unique path. Although GAM is splintered along personal and ideological lines, its nominal head and founder is Tengku Hasan M. di Tiro, who lives in exile in Sweden. He declared Aceh independent on 4 December 1976 and continues to lead a government-in-exile.

The GAM's founder is the grandson of Tengku Chik di Tiro Muhammad Saman, who led the resistance struggle against the Dutch, and is said to have received the mantle of leadership from Aceh's last Sultan. The significance of this event is that Hasan di Tiro views himself as the rightful heir to the Aceh sultanate.(1) The formal head of the armed struggle is Tengku Abdullah Syafi'i, while Cut Nur Asyikin heads the important women's chapter.

Other opposition

Not all opposition to Indonesia (whether it be Indonesian statehood or the presence of the security forces) has been in the form of violent resistance. A splinter group of the GAM, led by Hussaini (another exile leader), has already renounced violence. It claims to represent about 20 per cent of the GAM's military capacity. A `civilian' approach to the problem in Aceh has been the formation, in 1999, of the Aceh Referendum Information Centre (SIRA), which not only demands the end of human rights violations but also advocates a referendum on independence. SIRA's leader, Mohamad Nazar, has been arrested and charged with inciting public disorder.

The struggle against `Javanese colonialism', to use di Tiro's oft repeated phrase, stems from two arguments. The first is that Aceh was independent prior to the Dutch invasion, and thus has, until less than a 100 years ago, its own history. Secondly, independence supporters allege economic exploitation, since Aceh produces 30-40 per cent of Indonesia's natural gas exports but to date has seen little return from these natural resources. Despite its resource wealth, Aceh from the early 1990s was ranked as the seventh poorest province in Indonesia (out of 27 at the time). This exploitation of Aceh, although also claimed by many in the provinces of Kalimantan and Riau, has become a key element in secessionist claims in the restive province.

The Suharto regime's attempt to crush the GAM started in 1989 when the province became a Military Operation Zone (Daerah Operasi Militar). Not until...

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