LOCAL MAORI DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNMENT POLICIES.

• Author: Kawharu, Merata

Abstract

This article considers the relevance of identity and history for Maori development policy. It explores community-based priorities for socio-economic development in defining "gaps" and compares this with programmes initiated and implemented by government. This article argues that major gaps are historically based and provide clues for present gaps that are measured cross-culturally in, for example, education, health, housing, justice and employment, as well as for some gaps that are not represented in statistical analysis and are inadequately considered in officialdom. Moreover, cultural principles remain fundamental to individual and group identity and, therefore, socio-economic and political survival. Thus, some major gaps are measured internally within the group and are concerned with cultural vitality. However, in order for cultural principles to have proper legitimacy and development programmes to have rigour, it is necessary to consider carefully various shades of meaning and establish which dimensions are applicable to particular gap-closing policies. And while history and identity are essential features of community development policies, it is important that there is a clear relationship between analysis, policy and practice.

INTRODUCTION

"Disparities", "capacity building" and "closing the gaps" are terms that have featured prominently in recent policy discourse, particularly following the Labour Government's priorities in addressing Maori socio-economic concerns. In 1988, the issue of disparities between Maori and non-Maori was also raised by the Royal Commission on Social Policy (RCSP). However, one of the earliest to recognise gaps was Sir Apirana Ngata in 1905. In response to Maori land problems of fragmentation and fractionation of title caused by individualisation, he initiated his incorporation schemes in Ngati Porou. Much later, in 1945, development themes underpinned the 1945 Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act. Then, in 1984, "closing the gaps" policies were foreshadowed in the Labour Government's Maori economic summit, outcomes of which informed Maori policy (Levine and Vasil 1985). Even though the Government has officially replaced "closing the gaps" with "social equity" and associated terminologies in policy, the same issues are still fundamental for Maori and other groups.

Maori under-performance continues to be a concern for governments and Maori. Some gaps are widening and other gaps, not represented in statistical analysis, are inadequately considered in officialdom (Te Puni Kokiri 1999, James Henare Maori Research Centre (JHMRC) 2000). The obvious and central question is: why? One cause is the three-yearly government cycle where a change in government can result in shifts in policy emphasis, if not a curtailment of programmes altogether(2). This issue cannot be considered lightly. However, the focus of this paper is to consider an equally important factor in government's role in Maori development: the relevance of identity and history. Analysis of a community's cultural and social dynamics will give a clearer, community perspective on how present resources and opportunities can be maximised against external pressures. It may be that gaps defined by the community may differ in emphasis and priority from a government perspective.

IDENTITY

It has long been recognised that the lack of secure identity and sense of place in today's tribal realities have contributed toward poor performance for Maori generally (Durie 1998). Economist Horace Belshaw saw, in 1940, the relevance of turangawaewae and identity for urban Maori migrants:

"The immigrants will be strangers in strange cities forced into adjustment while divorced from the moral and material support of their communities. Until the full implications of this are understood there is no solution to the Maori problem." (quoted in Waitangi Tribunal 1987:129) Cultural foundations -- moral and material -- provide security, capacity and incentive for maximising resources generally. They also enable local descent groups to carry out their obligations as tangata whenua (local people, "people of the land"; see the appended glossary for brief definitions of other Maori terms used in this paper). Reedy (in Royal Commission on Social Policy 1988 3:176) similarly emphasised the importance of whanaungatanga, mana whenua and marae as vital elements of Maori identity and, therefore, social functioning. In applying Maori identity principles, Benton noted that, for example, educational performance would improve where such themes were central (RCSP 1988 3:167). Likewise, cultural identity markers are deemed important in programmes for "at-risk youth" (Te Puni Kokiri 2000a). Kin-based ideologies have general application in defining community members' position relative to non-hapu members (I.H. Kawharu 1975).

INDIVIDUAL OR GROUP ASPIRATIONS IN GAP-CLOSING POLICIES?

The protection, promotion and enhancement of a culturally based identity at individual and group level may be encapsulated by the term "rangatiratanga" (see Melbourne 1995, I.H. Kawharu 1989, Walker 1990). The term is multi-faceted and resonates not only with identity, but also cultural ideology, political empowerment and economic development themes (cf. Fitzgerald 1977, Durie 1998, M. Kawharu 1998, I.H. Kawharu 1989, Smith 1999).

The exercise of rangatiratanga depends on a number of factors, including human capacity and willingness (Maori and non-Maori), material resources and, not least, an appropriate framework. Recognition of the Treaty in statute, common law and central and local government policies is an essential prerequisite for Maori to exercise rangatiratanga. Without recognition, opportunity to apply rangatiratanga may be limited. Measuring the extent to which identity issues have been recognised and provided for in policy and practice is important in assessing effect. In contrast to statutory and policy frameworks, the marae still remains a primary context for a tribal group to enhance their rangatiratanga.

Government reports on the status of Maori performance in all major sectors (education, health, housing, economic stability and so on) are largely statistically based. Tabulations and quantitative analyses provide information on demographic and general trends relative to wider New Zealand society and are important for mapping general themes. However, social development policies based on this type of information alone are inadequate. Quantitative data on Maori performance in the major government-defined gap reports on education, health, housing, employment and justice do not consider relationships between individuals and hapu/iwi or other Maori groups. The relevance to and inter-relationships with Crown policies, of such structures and elements as trust boards, marae, kaumatua, and locally defined (including community) Maori development policies -- as well as operational aspects of development programmes -- are not generally considered. The purpose of gaps statistics may not be to inquire into these matters, but, if so, then any assertion about "gaps" may well be faulty.

A gaps analysis such as that in the report on Progress Towards Closing Social and Economic Gaps Between Maori and non-Maori (Te Puni Kokiri May 2000b) focuses on individual performance, giving an important, but only partial, interpretation of Maori circumstances (JHMRC 1999). Gaps analysis in these terms could be considered as eurocentric, and similar to the mantra of integration that was popular in the 1950s1960s where Maori concerns were assessed on an individual basis(3). Concerning...